Keywords

Gumaa, Oromo, Conflict, Custom, Practice and Prospects.

Introduction

The Blackwell Dictionary of Political Science defines conflict as “any form of disagreement concerning an end to be pursued. It encompasses disputes over issues and interests which may or may not escalate into violence”. Conflict refers to differences of interests, between individuals or collectivities over values or claims to status, power and scarce resources in which the aims of the conflicting parties are to assert their values or claims over those of others. Conflicts are between at least two parties of a certain length and certain intensity with respect to specific values or material interest.

Most scholars agree that conflicts are part of social life. The quarrels, disagreements and conflicts are not only parts of the ethnographic data of any society, but also crucial keys to understanding them. Conflict and its resolution involve those interests of anthropology such as norms, rules, morals, authority, meanings and interpretations. Throughout the history of the study of conflict, whether the aggressive behavior is an inborn human quality or a reaction to social, political and economic factors is where lay the controversy among the scholars (Collier, 1975).

Some scholars have agreed that the causes of conflict are deep rooted in our biology. Such an approach as individual characteristic theory that focuses on the individual and his acts, rather than the context of the act. This view of conflict has its root in the work of Freud, who believed that violence is rooted in our basic nature as animals. Human conflict is inevitable not because it is part of social life, but for it is a biological fact lying within us all.

Conflict refers to differences of interests, between individuals or collectivities over values or claims to status, power and scarce resources in which the aims of the conflicting parties are to assert their values or claims over those of others. Conflicts are between at least two parties of a certain length and certain intensity with respect to specific values or material interest (ibid).

Conflict is not a new phenomenon in the history of human beings. It always exists as long as human beings live together and it is an inescapable human experience. Conflict can be understood as engagement in a fight or possible confrontation between two or more parties as aspiring towards incompatible or competitive means or ends. It is resulting from individual or groups that differ in attitude, beliefs, values or needs. It is true that conflict has devastating effects and it should be managed.

For every types of conflict the community developed different resolution mechanisms. Like many African societies, Oromo has various indigenous institutions of conflict resolution and justice administration. (Dejene, 2002) Among these Jaarsummaa, ilaa-fi-ilaamee, Qaalluu court, Gada and Gumaa are few from the multitudes of Oromo indigenous conflict resolution institutions that are used to settle conflicts of various types (Dejene, 2002).

In addition to above mentioned cultural conflict resolution mechanisms Bokkuu centres are also playing an important role in resolving conflict among the Oromo. Thus, this study focused on Guma; the Oromo indigenous conflict resolution Mechanisms; its practices and prospects among the Oromo of Ilu Abba Bor & Bunno Bedelle Zones.

Statement of the Problem

People quarreled and contest against one another for different reasons. They fight one another to hold political power or to access limited natural and human made resources. Individuals, groups, clans, societies, regions and states quarrel because of conflicting ideas, interests and ideologies as well. Thus, conflict is one of the social forms of human beings that are unavoidable at all but could be resolved through various mechanisms.

People utilize a wide variety of modes to prosecute their quarrels. These modes are prevalent in anthropological literature on conflict. Such scholars as Schellenberg (1996) categorize conflict resolution mechanisms into two: the violent and the peaceful. The violent includes war, self-help and duel, whereas the peaceful includes avoidance, burying the dispute in the symbolic process, negotiation, mediation, arbitration and adjudication.

Each mode has its own characteristics. Duel is a violent mechanism in which contestants resort to either physical or verbal confrontation to prove the superiority of their case regardless of the facts underlying the dispute. Violent self-help is also a violent way of managing conflict, usually employed by groups with no or little social and economic ties. It often appears as shortterm solution. Among societies whose residential mobility is relatively easy, avoidance is used to prevent further escalation of conflict. Similarly, dispute is buried in symbolic and supernatural terms in the absence of any effective ways or fear of the potential outcomes. He termed the second as "burying the dispute in the dispute". In both cases disputes are deflected, not resolved.

According to Schellenberg (1996) negotiations are characterized by voluntary discussion between the disputing parties and the absence of a third party-decision maker. The only outcome is a joint decision. The negotiation is divided into two forms: competitive and collaborative negotiations. In competitive negotiation, either of the parties in dispute is benefited at the expense of the other. This occurs where there are no valuable relations among the disputants to preserve (Asafa, 2010).

On the other hand, collaborative, often called "problem solving" or win-win negotiation, aims at joint gain of the parties through fair distribution of the pain of losing, an act that favors good future relationships of the parties. In relation to conflict resolution, the agents of traditional modes of dealing with disputes, the sanction to be imposed and decision-enforcing mechanisms are important points that have been emphasized by scholars. In traditional societies varieties of institutions and personnel may function as agents of conflict resolution. These agents lack coercive force to support their decisions. In addition, according to Hamer (1980), there is little evidence from the literature that settling dispute within traditional institutions is in any way encouraged by the governments (Asafa, 2012).

Nevertheless, traditional agents of conflict resolution impose sanctions. In line with this, who divided sanctions into the secular and the sacred or supernatural argues that the latter is more effective and often used than the former among the pre-literate societies.

However, the form of sanction or the effect of a sanction is more important. Appealing to functional approach, what actually qualifies sanction is its effective social maintenance. He further discusses that though psychological sanctions such as ostracism, ridicule, avoidance or denials of favors are, sometimes very subtle and informal, they are effective sanctions. The Kapuak among which reprimand is the favorite and effective sanction. Conflicts are emanated from various sources. These factors are associated with competition over land and other scarce natural resources, boundary conflicts on farm lands, problems of access to water irrigation, sense of superiority, and women’s abduction.

Even though there is debate on definition and source of conflict between scholars they agree that it should be wisely resolved before it turns to be destructive. Thus, multifaceted natures of conflicts can be solved by different indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. In similar ways, the result of different research output shows as customary conflict resolution is preferable than government court system. There are some researches on this study area in regarding to traditional conflict resolution. The role of salgan Ilu Gadaa system in peace building. The other research on customary conflict resolution mechanism in I/A/Boor and B/Bedelle; The case of Maracha. Further, on the appraising the right to access to justice of indigents in Ilu Ababor Zone has shown that due to their economic incapacities to use the formal court they are suffering from miscarriage of justice. Thus, the above mentioned research shows that the society is solving their conflict through traditional dispute mechanism. However, they didn’t discuss in detail particular emphasis to gumaa (the blood price).

Therefore, the research answered the following basic questions:

1. What contextual definition of guma?

2. What are the sources of conflict in the study area?

3. How guma is practiced in handling conflict/disputes?

4. What are Oral traditions attached to guma?

5. What are its future/ prospects?

General Objective

The general objective of this study was to explore the practices and prospects of guma in conflict resolution among the Oromo of Ilu Abba Bor and Bunno Bedelle Zones.

Specific Objectives

1. To give possible definition of guma.

2. To explain sources of societal disputes.

3. To explain how disputes are handled in the Society.

4. To narrate oral traditions attached to guma.

5. To indicate prospect of guma.

Significance of the Study

The findings of the study are intended to provide a brief, reliable and up-to-date account on the role of indigenous institutions in the study area in conflict resolution and other complementary social, political, cultural, and even economic practices of the society at large. Since the people in targeted study area lack sufficient professional writings on the role of the indigenous institutions in conflict resolution, the current study is believed to contribute at least few of those needy areas of the issue through provoking those potential researchers and providing them with basic and preliminary information on subject under study. It is also supposed to serve as a significant and reliable ground for policy makers, legal personnel and development partners (government bodies, non-governmental organizations, etc.) in their activities towards initiating, executing, handling and supervising the holistic and sustainable development of the study area and other similar localities of the state. It may contribute to the understanding of the characteristics of these indigenous institutions of conflict resolutions and differences between such institutions in different social contexts (Dhadacha & Jemjem, 2011).

Delimitation of the Study

This research is delimited with only Guma from knowledge traditions of conflict resolution in the Oromo of Ilu Abba Bor & Bunno Bedelle Zones in its topic and some selected woredas geographically. Therefore, the general conclusion was given from the data collected through different tools from community elders of Ilu Abba Bor & Bunno Bedelle Zones and concerned bodies (Taddesse, 1991).

Ethical Consideration

This research employed both professional and societal ethic to the study. Professionally, the study conducted having permission from the university and keeping all procedures. Similarly, taboo of the people and culture was respected (Lemessa & Bidu, 2019).

The Study Area

The study is conducted in Ilu Oromos which is the administrative city of Ilu Aba Bor & Bunno Bedelle zones. These zones are found in Oromia Regional ststes and characterized by their ever green tropical forest and most of rainy months. The areas are also renowned for their coffee forest production, bee keeping, livestock raring and others. The Natural environment, the wild lives and presence of abundant natural recourses make the areas one of the potential tourist attraction areas of the country.

The majority of the population is Oromo, an ethnic group with the largest number in the country, and other ethnic groups from different angles of the country. Diversity in religion, ethnicity and others is common in the area as it is common for Ethiopia. Above all, the people of the zones are warm, friendly and easy to familiarize with. Giving respect for the people from other area has been the value and culture of the region.

It is bordered on the south by the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region, on the southwest by the Gambela Region, on the west by Kelem Welega Zone, on the north by West Wollega Zone and Benishangul-Gumuz Region, on the northwest by East Welega Zone, and on the east by Jimma. Based on the 2007 the Survey conducted by the CSA, these Zones have a total population of 1,271,609, an increase of 50.12% over the 1994 census, of whom 636,986 are male and 634,623 female; with an area of 15,135.33 square kilometers, the zones have a population density of 84.02. While 124:428 or 12.16% are urban inhabitants, a further 68 percent are pastoralists. A total of 272:555 households were counted in the Zones, which results in an average of 4.67 persons to a household, and 263:731.

Methods and Material

During data collection for this research, qualitative methods were employed. By qualitative data gathering methods, the qualitative data was gathered from the field. The collected were interpreted and analyzed qualitatively in the descriptive and expressive manner. Therefore, the qualitative data collection methods such as observation, interview and focus group discussion were employed during this research.

The Research Design

The design of this research is ethnographic research in which its nature employs with field work to get the detailed and trustworthy data in the society especially, village elders who are very familiar with the topic. Thus, to investigate the stated problems and to achieve the research objectives, descriptive research design will be employed. Thus, the research was accomplished by using qualitative research design (Gemetchu, 2005).

Sample and Sampling Techniques

This research employed non-probability sampling methods. Thus, purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used. Because of the area of the study and the participants cannot be availed easily, taking representative samples is mandatory. Therefore, to select the research areas, the researcher used purposive sampling technique because they are directly or indirectly the part and parcel of the event especially in relation to Gada assembly. Therefore, to select the research areas, taking Yayo as a center of our research and other twelve woredas include; village elders from each Woreda were selected purposively. Thus, the community elders or village elders of the twelve woredas/districts in the aforementioned zones those have an equal opportunity to participate in the study (Colser, 1964).

Participants of the Study

The participants of the study were heads and experts of Ilu Abba Bor & Bunno Bedelle Zone Culture and Tourism Bureaus, Abba Gada leaders of the Macha and Tulama oromos, experts of Oromia Culture and Turism Bureau, the corresponding community elders assigned by Ilu Abba Bor & Bunno Bedelle Zone Culture and Tourism Bureaus, Culture and Truism office of each woreda in the two zones and the victims of the research title were the participants of the study. These participants are determined as the overall sources of data for the research since they have a direct involvement for the stated problem. Thus, in each study area, Culture and Tourism bureau heads, experts, and community elders were taken as the participants for the investigation (Hamer, 1972).

Instruments of Data Collection

To collect the required trustworthy raw data from the participants of the study, three data collecting tools were employed. These are; interview, document analysis and focus group discussions.

Interview

Interview was the primary tool for data collection for this research. In this research, two interview techniques were used. One is informal interview. By informal interview, the informants were selected and significant information about the subject was gathered. In this case informants were selected informally at different work places. The last interview technique that was employed during data collection for this research is semi-structured interview. By this method, data were collected from key informants. Key informants were selected from the community depending on their knowledge about culture in general and about the gumaa in particular. From community elders of Ilu Abba Bor and Bunno Bedelle Oromos, nine village elders from each research area were participated (Legesse, 1973).

Focus Group Discussion

Two focus Group Discussion was made with the surrounding community. One FGD which contains seven peoples were made at Bedelle and the other similar made at Mettu town. It used firstly, to analyze the knowledge shared among the elders in conflict resolution and secondly, it is employed to triangulate with the above data collecting tools.

Document Analysis

Some documents which are available in different offices of culture and tourism bureaus in the Bunno Bedelle and Iluu Abbaboor zone and districts were used as sources of data in the study.

Method of Data Analysis

The data obtained from all the above research instruments was present and elaborated indepth technically. In doing so, the data obtained from interview was analyzed and interpreted qualitatively by using words, expressions meaning in sentences. On the other hand, the data collected from observation and focus group discussion was organized and interpreted through qualitative methods. In short, the overall data analyses methods data was collected, organized and interpreted qualitatively and finally conclusions were drawn from the analyzed and interpreted data.

Results

In this art of the study data collected regarding the research entitled with “guma, the indigenous conflict resolution mechanism: with special focus on Oromo of Ilu Abba Bor and Bunno Bedele” was presented. Thus according to elders, even though different terms are used in different parts of Oromia the practices are almost similar.

Contextual Definition of Guma

According to elders the term “guma” is defined in Afaan Oromo which can be literally translated as “the practice of purifying someone who killed somebody against the victim’s. Its particular name is referred “sirna gumaa bituu” which mean the process of undergoing purification between someone who commit a death and the victim’s family as well as the nearest relatives.

In guma resolution, there are two groups. These are who committed the death side and the victim’s side. Therefore, the purification process is ought to be made between the two groups.

Types of Societal Conflicts

1. Disputes over shared farmlands/boundaries.

2. Disputes over personal issues.

3. Disputes over resources.

4. Disagreement over multiple social issues.

Ones guma is occurred it should be resolved or purified traditionally very quickly. Unless otherwise, the conflict is resolved the victim’s side may revolt against the targeted group. Guma can be occurred intentionally or suddenly. If it occurs intentionally or knowingly the punishment is too big, but it is very rare. Thus, in this study we collected data targeted to guma resulted suddenly.

Stages in Guma Conflict Resolution

Stage 1: Reporting a death to elders and putting some sanctions to the groups.

Traditionally, one’s a death is committed it should be hurriedly reported to the nearby elders in the neighborhood either by a killer or witnesses. Then the first elder who heard the case directly report to the next elder in the tullaa or xuxee (neighborhood). Quickly the elders appoint someone who can hide or protect the killer for two purposes. First, a person who murderer should be hides from the revenge by the victim’s relatives or family. Secondly, he is socially sanctioned until the purification is made. Following the news of a death after studying detailed accounts of the case elders from the committed group send a respected community elder to the victim’s group. Since elders of a victim’s group know the tradition they approach each other and orient some customary laws. Some of the laws are not to contact with the nearest families or relatives of the victim’s group. Additionally, they are not allowed to make contact in case of dabo (cooperative works), feed their cattle from the same river or field at the same time until the purification is made.

Stage 2: The Guma process

First of all, a person who commits a death collect materials needed for purification ritual from his relatives. All the relatives also contribute traditionally what are needed for the ritual. Even though the person may afford all what is needed, he is not allowed to do so because material or money needed for guma ritual should be contributed by his relatives in the village. As elders told ones a guma is occurred all his relatives are regarded as bloodshed. Therefore, purification is must in order to make a peace between the two groups. Until this is done not only someone who commits the crime but all his relatives’ side are under sanction.

Secondly, from the jaarsoli (elders) side all the qomoo (sub-clans) in the neighborhoods should participate in the purification process. This can extend up to nine qomoos in the village. Thirdly, all the artisans namely: the ogeeyyii (potters, blacksmiths etc.), as well as all the dwellers in the village should participate in the ceremony. All should hear and notify the blessings and laws declared following the purifications. The artisans (ogeeyyii) come with their special tools they make (Lemessa & Bidu, 2019).

At the eve of the guma community elders come together and make a peace between the two groups and activate the coming morning guma resolution process

Materials Needed for Guma Reconciliation Process

Materials needed are:

1. A big knife or machete with two sided handles (which is made only for the purpose following the death). It is used to cut the neck of the sheep during purification on the stream side by the person who committed the death and the closest parent/son or relatives of the victim. The knife is never used for other purpose, so that it should be threw away with the killed lamb of sheep in the stream.

2. Black lamb of Sheep with good shape and healthy presented by the someone who committed the death.

3. Hundred hiddii (a kind of wild fruit) fruits. The fruit symbolizes properties or cattle. Hiddii fruits are presented by a person who committed a death.

4. Bundles of hundred grasses.

5. Bundles of hundred firewood’s.

6. A number of cirrachaa (broken stones) are collected by the subject of the guma.

7. Maraacaa (which is made from different tree plants used to spray over the people during the purification and blessing). Maraacaa is prepared by the elders who do the purification process.

8. Honey to feed the direct subjects who commit and the victim’s side.

9. Foods and drinks are prepared at the victim’s compound outdoor under a shade of a leafy tree.

Guma Reconciliation Setting

The Setting of the guma resolution mechanism had traditional orientations. First, the place should be around in the nearby stream locally called muummee where the two sides stand side by side of the stream or Small River. Regarding the time, the guma resolution process should be conducted early in the morning before saying any words until the purification is made (Collier, 1975).

Stage 3: Bittaa Gumaa (Guma purification process)

Early in the morning all people from two sides gathered at the stream or river side and stand facing each other apart from the elders who do the purification process. A person who committed the death should be kept in curtain until the elder who lead the guma call up both sides for purification. Firstly, a lamb sheep and materials needed like: knife, honey, hiddii fruits, broken stones and maraacaa are all presented near the stream where the processes is undergoing. After all are checked the guma-ritual continued

Next to the introductory talk conducted by the head leader one who committed a death and an appointed person from the victim’s side stand side-by-side between the curtains. After standing of the two groups’s side-by-side of the river/stream Maraacaa spraying process followed. Until Maraacaa is sprayed both sides should be separated by side of the stream or river. The cutting of a black-lamb sheep neck the victim group cross the stream/river and attend the ritual held between the two. The cutting and bleeding of a black-sheep symbolizes bleeding of the killed man. During this time the elder order the two to cut neck of a black-lamb sheep followed by spray of maraacaa by elders from both side. Then while the lamb is screaming stomach of the lamb is cut side to side through which the two shake hands. During this time a bell is rang by an artisan in the group to announce the purification as well as women ululates. Then throw to the stream with the knife, maraacaa container and leaves.

Lastly, all the attendants ahead from the river/stream to where the next step is held. Here home of cattle is made using dungs of cows and hiddi fruits are added which symbolizes number of cattle. As mentioned above guma is never bought using money rather using natural wild fruits called hiddii. After cattle home is made hundred hidd is added which represents hundred cows (Hamer, 1980).

Seera Tumuu/Declaration of Laws

Following the construction of cattle’s home and adding of hiddii fruits laws are declared. When the laws are declared elders sit in circle and the people behind them. When laws are declared elders use whip (alangaa) made of a grass (baballii) which is grown in marshy areas. The whip is hold in their right-hand and wept from up to down to the land while making the declaration (Herbert, 1994).

At that time the leading elder begin honey feeding process. During this time the elder feed the subjects honey.

Sanctions to who deny reconciliation: If someone from the either side denies reconciliation the following social sanctions are declared by the elders to the gathered neighbors around stream where the purification would be performed:

1. Not to share fire with him.

2. Not to do cooperative works.

3. Not to help during harms.

4. Not to use the same river.

5. Not to research for cattle if lost.

6. Ignoring from social life.

Generally, it is targeted at ignoring from any social interaction and economic activities. Following all the sanctions a subject may reclaim to the community elders holding green grass locally called (coqorsa, marga) a kind of wet grass and present his application as he needs to undergo (guma bittaa). As soon as a person shows willingness to make peace the elders in the community call up each other and appoint the day. Similarly, inform all the concerned body to be presented on the purification day.

All these sanctions force the subjects to make peace. Unless otherwise, laws of the society force them to make peace because without resolving such conflicts in this case (gumaa/blood price) the neighbor cannot stable since there may be revenge from the victim’s group. Therefore, even until peace is made certain sanctions are declared.

Prospects of Guma

As can be viewed from the stages of guma is a conflict resolution mechanism where conflicts are resolved peacefully. In this process from the occurrence of death to resolution are highly structured traditionally. In the process even though elders take the lions share all community including artisans participate in the resolution. Currently, guma is not treated traditionally because of many factors. On one hand, most conflict issues have been treated by law courts. On the other hand, some issues have been treated by religious organizations.

However, we witnessed that in rear cases guma has been in practices even though the degree varies. For instance, regarding death issues even though a person who committed a death is penalized by law courts after the person is freed from jail guma practices is must in order to make peace among them. In the future, if gada revival is continuously in progress guma traditions properly where death issues may occur among the society even without visiting law courts. In general, after Oromo Gada System was registered to UNESCO most of gada components have been in revival. So that, there are sounding hopes for guma too (Aguilar, 2005).

Beside this, higher institutions like Universities and Colleges need to do more to save the culture as well as do comprehensive research which incline toward saving the culture. Law courts also need to do more to preserve customary laws which make peace from ground. On the other hand Gumi Abbootii Gada of Oromia need to do more on reviving gada values thoughout Oromia. Likewise, Medias should dig out remaining societal practices for the revival. Moreover, government need to give due attention to customary conflict resolution mechanisms like guma.

Discussion

As discussed above the main purpose of this study is to portray Oromo Guma (blood price) Conflict resolution practices pertaining to Macha sub-branches of Ilu and Bunno Oromos. Both Ilu and Bunno have one big Gada center which is known by Salgan Oromo Ilu Gada System found in Yayo district. According to elders Yayo is the center for both Ilu and Buno Oromos, so that the nine qomoos assembled at Oda Dogi in Yayo and made laws to be governed with before it’s weakening by Minilik II forces.

Before the introduction of the Abyssinian ruling system, Salgan Oromo Ilus had been exercising Gada democracy fully. However, after the region was conquered exercising their own indigenous democracy was put to challenge, as a result the Oromo elders start to pass Gada tradition orally in their social life. Today, oral tradition played a great role through which Gada values has been manifested not by written literature mainly. Most of the oral tradition has power to pass from generation to generation. Even though, the Oromo was challenged with new ruling system, the people never gave up Gadas law totally.

Among the Gada components after a century of Ethiopian ruling system Guma indigenous conflict resolution practices is remained holding its oral tradition. According to elders Guma resolution is mandatory to make peace fully even after modern law courts. If someone commits a death intentionally or unintentionally Guma purification ritual should be conducted. There are also traditional experts or elders with great wisdom in the community who resolve guma from ground. As can be viewed from 4.1 guma resolution is a procedural activity. It begins with when death is committed to honey feeding ceremony where they take blessing and even start chanting some words among the subjects. Exchanging some words after the resolution is a best indicator of a peace made.

First of all, ones a death is committed a person who commit the death instantly inform an immediate elder of the community as he did it, as in modern case some individuals surrender their hands to police station voluntarily. Following the information Abba Gada of the area overlook his people not to commit revenge. Then after a corpse is buried elders begins agenda of guma which can be conducted carefully. Secondly, a person who committed the death starts preliminary requirements which are needed for the purification of guma. During this time materials needed for the ritual would be prepared. Thirdly, elders from both sides come together to appoint the date guma reconciliation. The date of the guma reconciliation is appointed by elders where its settings which mean place and time are decided. Fourthly, at the eve of the guma reconciliation the two groups reconciled followed by the subjects early in the morning. Guma reconciliation ritual is traditionally conducted at river side early in the morning before breakfast. Fifthly, at river side two rituals: maracaa spraying and sheep slaughtering process could performed. Next to the rituals honey feeding process is conducted at tree shade where laws should be abiding by is recited by the community elders. Subsequently, after tumaa/law is announced the chief elder bless all the attendants and hurried to their home for breakfast. Lastly, elders supervise closely social life of the two subjects.

Conclusion

The main object of this study was to portray the traditional practices of guma form of conflict resolution pertaining to Oromo of Ilu and Bunno. Accordingly, depending on the findings the following conclusions were made by the researchers. Firstly, Oromo of Ilu and Bunno Bedele have been exercising guma conflict resolution as other parts of Oromia under their Gada System known as Salgan Oromo Ilu Gada System. Particularly, their main Chaffee is at Oda Dogi in Yayo which is reviving since 2000E. C as guma is one means of conflict reconciliation in case of death it is dominantly conducted under the close supervision of Abbaa Gada in the village. Secondly, the study explored that following the introduction of Abyssinian ruling system to the area traditional ways of conflicted resolution was replace by law court system which was not fair, as a result guma means of conflict resolution was declined. Even though, the rulers banned the tradition the people wisely transmit the culture from their ancestors’ to descendants. Presently, elders have been applying in rare cases even after law court punishment is finished. However, its traditional values are put to challenges because of external forces. Lastly, it is unclosed that most knowledgeable elders have been hardly passing the tradition to the next generation.

Recommendation

Guma is a traditional Oromo conflict resolution mechanism which is conducted following a death occurred suddenly or intentionally by somebody else against parents of the victims. Accordingly, the following recommendations were made depending on the findings of the study.

1. Firstly, Researchers should have to focus on such customary conflict resolution in their study since it is not well studied in this study area.

2. Culture and Tourism office of the Zones had better collect and document the practices of traditional knowledge attached to guma means of conflict resolution.

3. Mettu University, need to employ skilled researchers to conduct a comprehensive research/ project on guma conflict resolution.

4. Law Courts need to appreciate customary ways of conflict resolution since it is cheaper ad win-win situation when compared with law court way of conflict resolution.

5. Moreover, media needs to give great focus on the tradition

Acknowledgement

First, we would like to say thanks to Mettu University in general, Research Coordinating Office of College of Social Science, and Humanity in particular for sponsoring the research, which helped for the success of the work. Secondly, our thanks go to the bearers of the cultures especially Ilu elders for their kindly assistance in giving information about the issue. Without their generous support, this work would have not been accomplished. Lastly, not the least, we like to thank Ilu Abbabor Culture and Tourism Officers for their generous help to give us necessary information.

References

Aguilar, M. I. (2005). The god of the Oromo: A religious paradigm in the work of Lambert Bartels. Journal of Oromo Studies, 12(1&2), 52-67.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Asafa, J. (2010). Oromo peoplehood: Historical and cultural overview. Sociology Publications and Other Works, 6(2), 1-9.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Asafa, J. (2012). Gadaa (Oromo democracy): An example of classical African civilization. Journal of Pan-African Studies, 126(2), 1-9.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Collier, J. (1975). Legal process. Annual Review of Anthropology, 4(1), 121-143.

Google Scholar, Cross Ref

Colser, L. A. (1964). Conflict. A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, 21(1),123-124.

Dejene, G. (2002). Some aspects of conflict and conflict resolution among waliso oromo of eastern macha, with particular emphasis on the guma. Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Dhadacha, G., & Jemjem, U. (2011). Gada demacratic pluralism with a particular reference to the guji- socio- cultural and politico- legal system. Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau: Finfinne.

Google Scholar

Gemetchu, M. (2005). The Oromo world view. The Journal of Oromo Studies, 12(1), 1-9.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Hamer, J. H. (1972). Dispute settlement and sanctity: An Ethiopian example. Anthropological Quarterly, 12(1), 232-247.

Indexed at, Google Scholar, Cross Ref

Hamer, J. H. (1980). Preference, principle, and precedent: dispute settlement and changing norms in sidamo associations. Ethnology, 19(1), 89-109.

Indexed at, Google Scholar, Cross Ref

Herbert, S. L. (1994). Gada values: The building blocks of a democratic polity. The Journal of Oromo Studies, 1(2), 1-9.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Legesse, A. (1973). Gada: Three approaches to the study of African society.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Lemessa. W., & Bidu, D. F. (2019). Exploring challenges and opportunities in revitalizing gadaa at odaa doggii, iluu abbaa boor zone of Oromiyaa regional state, Ethiopia. Ethiopian Journal of Education and Sciences, 15(1), 82-101.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Schellenberg, J. A. (1996). Conflict resolution: Theory, research, and practice. Suny Press.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Taddesse, B. (1991). Warfare among the Guji-Oromo of Southern Ethiopia. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa.

Indexed at, Google Scholar

Received: 06-Oct-2021, Manuscript No. JLERI-22-10379; Editor assigned: 08-Oct-2021, PreQC No. JLERI-22-10379(PQ); Reviewed: 22- Oct-2021, QC No. JLERI-22-10379; Revised: 22-Feb-2022, Manuscript No. JLERI-22-10379(R); Published: 01-Mar-2022