Keywords

Agenda, COVID-19, Factorial Model, Risk, Security.

Introduction

Background

The migratory flows that have been displaced by policies of extermination or ethnic cleansing, as well as those communities persecuted due to their vulnerability to climate change or crime, often go through a process of prolonged crossing, short stay and unexpected return, even and when they acquire skills and knowledge favorable to the development of the locality that welcomed them, are excluded (Aguayo et al., 2020). In the context of conflicts between society and the State, such as cases of ethnic cleansing and extermination, xenophobia and guerrilla warfare, the management and administration of resources destined for national reconstruction; negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and prosecution of crimes against humanity, disappearances and forced displacement, the Obra Social has collaborated with Civil Society Organizations to be able to compensate and correct the asymmetries between politicians and citizens.

The conflicts between the rulers and the ruled have been exploited by organized crime in the co-optation and formation of a criminal identity in the commission of attacks against ethnic and minority groups such as migratory flows.

Problem Identification

In principle, Social Work has approached vulnerable groups, mainly infants who are looking for their parents through the recruitment of volunteers who in turn accompany the children who are looking for their parents (Garcia-Lirios, 2021). It is a program in which infants receive medical, psychological and legal attention to find their parents, but always with the accompaniment of a social worker. Such an intervention model has allowed children to be assisted by social workers in the face of any vicissitudes regarding their right to look for their parents and have a life free of violence, as well as to health and access to education and housing in a country other than your nationality. In this sense, the relationship between the State and priority groups is guided by public assistance policies. Such a strategy could be implemented in the EU with the arrival of Trump and his coming to power, implementation of anti-immigrant and bipartisan policies. The model would have a variant that would consist of documenting the xenophobic climate of children with respect to Trump supporters and his anti-immigrant policies. This would help establish the determining social profiles of forced displacement and the legitimacy of political bipartisanship.

The migrant population in the United States of America constitutes an unprecedented human and social capital since the 1980s. Precisely, in the following decade anti-migrant policies emerged in the United States. The systems of containment of migratory flows and permanence in transition countries such as Mexico or Turkey are distinguished by their degree of agglomeration and violation of human rights.

However, despite the fact that migration has been understood as an option for economic reasons, armed conflicts have generated a growing number of displaced people from countries with civil wars to countries with economic stability and good governance. In this sense, the cases of displaced children in Syria are an example of the importance of Social Work in caring for children who are looking for their relatives. The management of migratory flows supposes an intervention focused on the institution in charge of protection and refuge. In this way, social work establishes a link between social policies and the needs of migrant communities.

Both phenomena, migration and displacement, are not only consequences of authoritarian regimes, but are the product of geopolitics that promote national identity to the detriment of minorities, which in these cases are migratory flows made up of children. Within the framework of perceived security, geopolitics and authorities are the pending subjects of international human rights conventions. Consequently, migration and displacement are indicators of the levels of restriction of human rights.

Therefore, it is necessary to anticipate the consequences of this unfavorable scenario for vulnerable groups, including children who will be separated from their parents or will be forced to move regardless of their right to a life free of violence and access to a decent life (Frenkel & Dasso-Martorell, 2021). The concept of governability refers to the qualities of the governable as action and effect of governing and governing itself, assuming three fundamental axes; 1) democratic quality, 2) management and public policies and 3) rule of law and individual guarantees. In each of the democratic areas of governance, the common interest and collective welfare prevail as imperatives of public management and government action.

Governance assumes the State as the guiding axis of public management and administration, but in relation to the evaluation of its subsystems to legitimize its governmental actions. They are lines of action that range from the local to the personal, so security is considered a central issue on the public agenda (Gonzalez, 2020). Those forced as indicators of transition from a totalitarian or authoritarian tribal regime to assume the concentration of power and unilateral decisions. In this sense, vulnerable groups are confined areas of containment in countries that receive them as political refugees or labor reserves. This is so because the forms of State generate propaganda in favor of its leadership in matters of security, national identity and territorial defense, but nuanced with the deportation of the displaced once the internal conflict is over.

In this way, the regimes that are most preserved in following a policy of migratory inclusion, but transitory in their asylum and unforeseen in their deportation are those considered authoritarian (Abrams & Dettlaff, 2020). These are governments in which their leaders justify multiculturalism as long as migratory flows do not violate native customs and customs and are limited to local laws and traditions. In the framework of the presidential election of Joe Biden and the war in Ukraine, Social Work has built theoretical frameworks in order to explain and anticipate scenarios of violence and aggression that impact the family nucleus, such as those displaced by fragmentation or loss of social bond. This is the case of the theory of ethnocentrism that would pose an exacerbated nationalism that Biden incurs when he promises to expel migrants to return their jobs to the natives of the United States. Ethnocentrism would be indicated by anti-immigrant policies, but also by the degree of nationalism that was a constant in the Biden campaign. But ethnocentrism does not relate immigrants or political partisanship to fragmented parenting styles, it would be due to the expulsion of parents of children born in the US, or the search for children and their families as a consequence of deportation, violence against migrants or xenophobia.

Social Work considers that the multiculturalist approach is essential to explain the interrelation between a dominant culture such as the United States and migrant minorities such as the Latin American, Central American or Mexican. In that sense, multiculturalism would say that Biden's policies deny the interrelationship between cultures since he considers an equity that is denied by anti-immigrant policies. In the case of migrant infants, multiculturalism would warn that the future of relations between cultures depends on a civic education that would be annulled with deportations and thus the opportunity to learn from other cultures and the economic and social benefits that this would be lost entails. It implies how the understanding of a language is different from that of the place of origin (Dominelli, 2021). However, multiculturalism denies the possibility of dominated cultures influencing the dominant culture. Therefore, from Social Work, interculturality is proposed, which would consist of a policy of equity and representativeness of cultures in the legislative, executive and judicial powers to guarantee equal opportunities.

Based on these approaches, Social Work has proposed solutions such as negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and persecution from the defense of human rights and the accompaniment of the victims of anti-immigrant and anti- displacement geopolitics (Amadasun, 2020). The displacement of migrants is considered as an effect of the climate of violence, genocide, ethnic cleansing or any other act orchestrated by the regime in power with the luxury of extreme violence against groups that have violated their human rights, even when these are considered an indicator. Labeling these groups as victims is a process in which a civil sector legitimizes crimes against humanity perpetrated by the State.

The literature warns that the native society, receiving the displaced, inhibits the right and access of the displaced to mourning, the validation of their suffering, the monitoring of their traumatic emotions, the disorders of their personal and collective life, as well as the possibility of complaint if they are labeled as a problem for the host country (Banks et al., 2020). In this way, the process of displacement shows the inability of the State to generate policies to care for the victims and the legitimacy of the receiving society against the policies of containment, permanence and deportation of displaced persons and refugees.

In this process, multicultural and intercultural integration is absent, since on the one hand policies favor a temporary stay and immediate deportation in the face of any local threat and on the other hand, the host society loses the opportunity to interact with the different migrant cultures around. to the reparation of their problems, as well as to the solidarity support of their relatives in zones of conflict and extermination violence, xenophobia or ethnic persecution (Redondo-Sama et al., 2020). Indeed, if the State is the cause of the violence crystallized in crimes against humanity by forcing the displacement of vulnerable groups, then far from legitimizing xenophobic policies and the extermination of minorities, civil society can mediate social suffering, accompanying the victims in their grieving process and overcoming the humanitarian crisis. Civil society is an accomplice of the State in the exclusion of displaced migrants, as well as in blocking their opportunities for human development; public health, employment, academic training.

Therefore, if the State is immersed in an ideology of extermination, civil society is obliged to reorient the xenophobic identity towards a cordial identity with those who inhabit its cities as refugees or displaced persons, persecuted and migrants. The way in which civil society can generate a social bond between the displaced and their families who remained in the conflict zone is through the interaction of values and norms, equity in development opportunities and an understanding of mourning around the social suffering of the displaced.

In a humanitarian crisis with forced displacement due to violence, the State implements containment policies, programs and strategies that are disconnected from the negotiation process between the parties in conflict. For this reason, it is important to articulate the demands with the negotiations and conflicts that led to the forced displacement. Forced displacement originates in an environment of violence, but also in the legitimization of poverty and the use of violence as a manifestation of the discontent of disadvantaged civil groups towards punitive policies, care programs for victims, but without remedying their situation and strategies without the participation of the victims. The asymmetry between government action and humanitarian crises is of such magnitude that the reality of the displaced is not even considered to form a national reconstruction project through pacification, vindication and social bonding.

Victim care programs are insufficient to repair the damage to vulnerable groups in general and infants in particular, since reception policies prohibit refugees from participating in actions that would modify civil life opinion, the recognition and claim of their rights and they only had the opportunity to stay temporarily in a short period of time before their deportation.

The quality of life in displacement starts from the assumption that the deterioration of expectations in health, employment, housing and education reduces the condition of the displaced, inhibiting their capacities in such a situation and reducing their opportunities for a dignified life. Life or at least free of violence. In this sense, the State is co-responsible for not having focused opportunities and capacities, but also for not responding efficiently, effectively and effectively to the request for asylum or containment of voluntary and forced displacement.

Displacement, mourning, attachment to place and the reconstruction of personal and group life victims of violence perpetrated by the guerrilla and the State. In other words, rooting in the place and community of origin forges a close relationship with the individual who, when broken by displacement, fosters a symbolic return in which the State participates to a certain extent, projecting a degree of horror and hopelessness for the loss of stay in the place of origin.

In short, the state of knowledge warns that; 1) The displaced migratory flows are the consequence of a regime that promotes the propaganda of violence and legitimizes itself with a counter-propaganda of the national union for the defense of territory and identity (Cox, 2020). This prevents inter culturally and reduces competition for the management and administration of essential resources to repair the social suffering of migrants; 2) the policies, programs and strategies of containment, isolation and deportation of migrants suppose the legitimization of the regime that is characterized by a unilateral authoritarianism that derives from the prime minister or president and is disseminated in the institutional and bureaucratic structure; 3) the representations and attitudes of the host civil society towards the migratory flows of displaced persons. As containment, asylum and deportation policies intensify, xenophobia is exacerbated.

A specific model represents the logical trajectories between the dependencies relationships of the variables reviewed in the literature (Farkas & Romaniuk, 2020). In this sense, two hypotheses stand out from the review of the state of knowledge. The first related to social accompaniment, which consists of mediating relations between the dominant culture and migrant cultures in order to reduce suffering, but without any possibility of development. It is a process in which the dominant culture appropriates the workforce of migrant cultures, once the demand is satisfied, deportation occurs. In this process, the governments that receive emigrants, through civil society organizations, contain massive migration and select the flows that they wish to use in sectors that the natives do not want to work, but once the demand is satisfied and the population reserve worker has been consumed, so deportation is brewing. In other words, migratory flows are subject to selectivity from their departure, stay and return (hypothesis of political legitimation). On the other hand, when policies for asylum and reception of displaced persons are carried out from intercultural countries, made up of different cultures in interaction without any being dominant or hegemonic, then social support is developed based on the comfort of the displaced, the recognition of their mourning, capacities and granting of opportunities or alternatives to their social suffering (hypothesis of social support).

Research Objectives

The objective of this work is to specify a model for the study of the displaced, with emphasis on those cases of violation of their human rights, such as the loss of social or family ties or uprooting. Delve into the methods of analysis and evaluation of security policies from the conceptual point of view and in the specific context of Mexico; strategic management, governance, local, regional and national security policies, intergovernmental management, local development and citizen participation.

Precisely, the specify a model of care for child victims of forced displacement in cases of parental or family loss on whom they depend economically and emotionally (Smoyer, et al., 2020). For this, a documentary study was carried out with a selection of sources related to the cases of victims of forced displacement, as well as the cases in which the accompaniment directed the victim towards a duel, conciliation and adoption of lifestyles free from violence.

In this sense, the system that seeks to approach and even link state management with civil self-management is known as governability. Consequently, Social Work for the care of victims of crimes against humanity and in the case of crimes against vulnerable populations such as the elderly, women and children, has generated intervention strategies such as the accompaniment and promotion of lifestyles free of violence.

Research Methods

A desk study was carried out with a non-probabilistic selection of sources indexed to repositories in Latin America, during the period 2020 to 2023, considering: A: Findings of the positive and significant effects of the political system on perceived security; B: Reports of the negative effects of the political system on the perception of security; C: Reports of the spurious effects of the political system on the perception of security

The Security Perception Scale was used, which includes five dimensions related to trust, commitment, empathy, entrepreneurship and innovation as integral factors of perceived security. Each item includes five response options ranging from 0="unlikely" to 5="quite likely".

The information was processed in content analysis matrices and the variables reported in the state of knowledge were specified in a model (see annex). The qualitative analysis data package version 3.0 was used to estimate the parameters of normality, contingency and residual fit.

Research Results And Discussion

The results of the research and discussion are the arrangement and good grouping of information about an activity based on facts through the efforts of the researcher's mind in processing and analyzing research objects or topics in a systematic and objective way to solve a problem or test a hypothesis so as to make a general principle or theory Figure 1.

The descriptive values that include values of normal distribution, reliability and validity from which it is possible to observe the consistency of the instrument in other contexts and research scenarios. Method of principal axes, rotation promax: Trust (18% of the total variance explained and alpha of .780), Commitment (14% of the total variance explained and alpha of 0.778), Empathy (10% of the variance total explained and alpha of 0.760). The adequacy of the sphericity [X²=23.24 (12df) p <0.05; KMO=0.789] suggest the factorial composition of the responses to the instrument, as well as the validity of the ism in measuring the perception of security as an effect of the political system, whether self-government, government or cogovernment Figure 2.

The model explained 56% of the total variance, indicating the relevance of including more dimensions, or the appearance of a second-order factor common to the five first-order factors established by the literature and corroborated by the present work through the instrument. The contribution of this work to the state of knowledge lies in the specification of a model for the study of victims of displacement, containment, asylum and deportation policies. It is a process in which the literature warns of two preponderant hypotheses: the one related to the legitimization of such policies through xenophobia, the avoidance of contact and stigma as indicators of eventual deportation; and in contrast, the hypothesis of social support that warns of the importance of collective mourning as an opportunity for solidarity and brotherhood between migrant cultures and the receiving culture. In this way, the theory of governance of return migration would mention that such assumptions obey the identity that migrant communities build in their interaction with their environment and other cultures, but far from being a barrier to development, it is proof of consistency, symbols and representations that enhance identity, or announce changes.

The three dimensions, trust, commitment and empathy found in this study are far from the bio power approach. In its legal system, disciplinary mechanisms and security devices. While the security structure alludes to social relationships. The structure of bio power is rather a network of surveillance and punishment mechanisms observable in the educational, health or punitive fields. In contrast, the present study suggests that the representation of security is instrumented by social relationships of trust, commitment and empathy. Although there is distrust towards the authorities, society trusts more in apolitical justice. In this sense, bio power devices reduce civil participation.

The relationship between security and justice, following the theory of bio power where coercive devices stand out, the theory of justice warns of the prevalence of income as a mechanism of coercion. A reduction in income builds confidence in the authorities. In this way, ignoring one's own income or that of others supposes a climate of social trust. Trust in its political and social dimensions assumes a maximin situation. In other words, once the basic primary goods are achieved, social and political trust emerges to be oriented towards decisions of social justice. In the present work, the dimensions of trust, commitment and empathy refer to this maximin principle, but without attenuating the bio power scenario in which they emerge.

Security in relation to bio power and justice are categories that anticipate a type of multicultural citizenship. The scenario in which security is a minority justice right is known as multiculturalism. In the perspective of bio power, the State assumes control of a homogeneous citizenship. In the justice approach, the State manipulates the demand for justice with basic goods. From a multicultural point of view, the State facilitates the political and legal representation of minorities. In the present work, the dimensions of trust, commitment and empathy are requirements to carry out control and manipulation of majority or minority rights.

The State, in its dimensions of bio power, justice and multiculturalism, implements mechanisms for the control, manipulation and facilitation of civil participation. The three factors found indicate that security is configured by traits of trust, commitment, and citizen empathy among peers rather than with the authorities. Consequently, an increase or decrease in the frequency of these three factors could anticipate a scenario of justice and multicultural security.

It is recommended to extend the model towards the measurement of bio power, justice and multiculturalism in order to be able to anticipate scenarios of control, manipulation and facilitation of citizen participation with respect to their representatives, peers or laws.

Conclusion

The aim of this study was to explore the dimensions of security, understood as a category derived from bio power, justice and multiculturalism. In this sense, the contribution of the study lies in the establishment of three dimensions: trust, commitment and empathy. The three-factor structure suggests the extension of the model in order to anticipate a scenario of social control, civil participation and political representation. In relation to the theoretical frameworks of bio power, justice and multiculturalism, the present document warns of a structure of sequences aimed at the legitimacy of the Gendarme State.

Suggestions

The extension of the model to measure bio power, justice and multiculturalism supposes the construction of an instrument based on the theories that explain the asymmetries between rulers and citizens, as well as civil trust and political and legal multiculturalism. In addition, security as an axis of discussion in the public agenda supposes a future of the theoretical frameworks of social justice, but with principles such as the maximin of social welfare.

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Received: 02-May-2023, Manuscript No. JOCCC-23-13647; Editor assigned: 04-May-2023, Pre QC No. JOCCC-23-13647(PQ); Reviewed: 18-May-2023, QC No. JOCCC-23-13647; Revised: 25-May-2023, Manuscript No. JOCCC-23-13647(R); Published: 31-May-2023